Burdens of History Essay Example for Free

Burdens of History Essay The British imperial history has long been a fortress of conservative scholarship, its study separated from mainstream British history, its practitioners resistant to engaging with new approaches stemming from the outside – such as feminist scholarship, postcolonial cultural studies, social history, and black history. In this light, Antoinette Burton’s Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 represents challenges to the limited vision and exclusivity of standard imperial history. Burton’s Burdens of History is part of a budding new imperial history, which is characterized by its diversity instead of a single approach. In this book, the author examines the relationship between liberal middle-class British feminists, Indian women, and imperial culture in the 1865-1915 period. Its primary objective is to relocate â€Å"British feminist ideologies in their imperial context and problematizing Western feminists’ historical relationships to imperial culture at home† (p. 2). Burton describes Burdens of History as a history of â€Å"discourse† (p. 7). By this, she means the history of British feminism, imperialism, orientalism, and colonialism. Throughout the book, the author interposes and synthesizes current reinterpretations of British imperial history, women’s history, and cultural studies that integrate analyses of race and gender in attempts at finding the ideological structures implanted in language. In this book, Burton analyzes a wide assortment of feminist periodicals for the way British feminists fashioned an image of a disenfranchised and passive colonized female â€Å"Other†. The impact of the message conveyed was to highlight not a rejection of empire – as modern-day feminists too readily have tended to assume – but a British feminist imperial obligation. According to Burton, empire lives up to what they and many of their contemporaries believed were its purposes and ethical ideals. Burton based her book on extensive empirical research. Here, she is concerned with the material as well as the ideological and aware of the complexity of historical interpretation. Backed by these, the author particularly examines the relationship between imperialism and women’s suffrage. Burton brings together a remarkable body of evidence to back her contention that women’s suffrage campaigners’ claims for recognition as imperial citizens were legitimated as â€Å"an extension of Britain’s worldwide civilizing mission† (p. 6). Centering on the Englishwoman’s Review before 1900 and suffrage journals post 1900, the author finds an imperialized discourse that made British women’s parliamentary vote and emancipation imperative if they were to â€Å"shoulder the burdens required of imperial citizens† (p. 172). The author shows in Burdens of History how Indian women were represented as â€Å"the white feminist burden† (p. 10) as â€Å"helpless victims awaiting the representation of their plight and the redress of their condition at the hands of their sisters in the metropole† (p. 7). Responding both on the charge that white feminists need to address the method of cultural analysis pioneered by Edward Said and the imperial location and racial assumptions of historical feminisms, Burton explores the images of Indian women within Victorian and Edwardian feminist writing. In her analysis, the author argues that Indian women functioned as the ideological â€Å"Other† within such texts, their presence serving to authorize feminist activities and claims. By creating an image of tainted Oriental womanhood, and by presenting enforced widowhood, seclusion, and child marriage as â€Å"the totality of Eastern women’s experiences† (p. 67), British feminists insisted on their own superior emancipation and laid claim to a wider imperial role. However, while feminists persistently reiterated their responsibility for Indian women, the major purpose of such rhetoric was to institute the value of feminism to the imperial nation. According to the author: â€Å"The chief function of the Other woman was to throw into relief those special qualities of the British feminist that not only bound her to the race and the empire but made her the highest and most civilized national female type, the very embodiment of social progress and progressive civilization† (p. 83). According to Burton, British feminists were, â€Å"complicitous with much of British imperial enterprise† (p. 25): their movement must be seen as supportive of that wider imperial effort. She sustains this argument through an examination of feminist emancipatory writings, feminist periodicals and the literature of both the campaign against the application of the Contagious Diseases Acts in India and the campaign for the vote. Indeed, the greatest strength of this book lies in the fact that Burton has made a n extensive search through contemporary feminist literature from a new perspective. In the process, she recovers some quite interesting subgenres within feminist writing. She shows, for instance, how feminist histories sought to reinterpret the Anglo-Saxon past to justify their own political claims and specifying some characteristic differences between explicitly feminist and more general women’s periodicals. Certainly, Burton’s survey establishes the centrality of imperial issues to the British feminist movement, providing a helpful genealogy of some styles of argumentation that have persisted to the present day. Burdens of History is a serious contribution to feminist history and the history of feminism. In conclusion, Burton states that British feminists were agents operating both in opposition to oppressive ideologies and in support of them-sometimes simultaneously, because they saw in empire an inspiration, a rationale, and a validation for women’s reform activities in the public sphere. Her arguments are persuasive; indeed, once stated, they become almost axiomatic. However, Burton’s work is to some extent flawed by two major problems. First, the author never compares the â€Å"imperial feminism†; rather she locates in her texts to other imperial ideologies. In addition, Burton does not subject imperialism to the same kind of careful scrutiny she turns on feminism. She does not define â€Å"imperialism† in her section on definitions, but uses the term – as she uses â€Å"feminism† – largely to denote an attitude of mind. Another problem is Burton’s failure to address the question of how feminist imperialism worked in the world more generally. It is true that feminists sought the vote using a rhetoric of cross-cultural maternal and racial uplift, however, one may ask: what were the effects of this strategy on the hearing accorded their cause, on wider attitudes toward race and empire, and, more specifically, on policies toward India? The author not only brushes aside such questions; she implies that they are unimportant. It seems that, for Burton, the ideological efforts of British feminists were significant only for British feminism. It can be argued that Burton’s difficulty in tracing the way Burdens of History works in the world is a consequence of her methodological and archival choices. The problem is not that the author has chosen to approach her subject through a â€Å"discursive tack† (p. 27), but rather that she has employed this method too narrowly and on too restrictive range of sources. While the author has read almost every piece of feminist literature, she has not gone beyond this source base to systematically examine either competing official documents, Indian feminist writings, or imperial discourses. Thus, Burton’s texts are treated either self-referentially or with reference to current feminist debates. Overall, Burton’s approach is useful in providing a critical history for feminism today, Certainly, it is as a critique of Western feminism’s pretensions to universal and transhistorical high-mindedness that Burdens of History succeeds. However, if one wishes to map out the impact of imperial feminism not only on feminism today, but also on imperial practices and relations historically, one needs a study that is willing to cross the border between political history and intellectual history and to take greater methodological risks. Burdens of History. (2017, Feb 25).

Cyber Bullying Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Cyber Bullying - Research Paper Example With the rapid advances in technology, however, bullying evolved into a form of harassment that can be perpetuated anytime and anywhere. Specifically, the use of the Internet and mobile technologies has enabled many bullies to harass their victims even when they are at home or sleeping. Unfortunately, authorities seemed to be caught off-guard when cases of bullying online reportedly caused several suicides across America recently. This highlighted how it has become imperative to solve this issue immediately because the degree of harm of cyberbullying is clearly pervasive and fatal today. To underscore the severity of this issue, there are already several research findings that found the prevalence of the problem. For instance, a survey conducted by I-Safe America found that 37 percent of middle school students admitted to being bullied or threatened online. (Shore 2006, p. 19) Pew Internet and American Life Project supported this with their report that one in three online teens has e xperienced online harassment. (The Colorado Trust 2008) The statistics established the numbers that should alarm responsible authorities. The issue is no longer some figment of imagination or opinion of alarmists that needed to be substantiated. The facts are already there for everyone to see. The implication of the above trend is that youngsters are no longer safe from bullies. The perpetrators only need a computer, Internet access or a cellphone in order terrorize hapless victims. This is aggravated by the fact that bullying acts can be done anonymously. Almost anyone can invade someone else's life and ruin it at a click of the mouse, enabling bullies to be more vicious and consistent with their attacks. According to Shore, this is demonstrated in two ways: first, there is the argument that bullies can strike out at others with the knowledge that they will not be caught; and, secondly, â€Å"by being removed from their targets and thus not seeing the impact of their actions, cybe rbullies can delude themselves into thinking they have not really hurt anybody† effectively taking away their ability to feel empathy or remorse for their victims. (p. 20) It is easy to understand, hence, how helpless victims find it difficult not only to escape the kind of torture due to the sheer pervasiveness of the Internet and the huge number of its users but also to bear the stress of online attacks against their persons for its sheer viciousness and intensity. In the past face-to-face bullying has been difficult to quantify because victims are hesitant to report them. The case has been complicated by technology further. The anonymity that technology provides bullies has made it extra difficult for its detection. This development is already a main contributor to the growing number of suicides as evidenced by the case of Tyler Clementi, who jumped off a bridge after his sexual encounter was streamed over the web by his dormmates for everyone to see. Unfortunately, this po sting of hurtful content is just one of the many types that could significantly cause harm to young minds. Maggio listed numerous ways by which cyberbullies can attack their victims using technology. The most serious of these include the posting of abusive content against victims such as threatening and embarrassing messages that are easily accessed by

The Most Recent Reforms to the Child Maintenance System are Good News Essay

The Most Recent Reforms to the Child Maintenance System are Good News for Fathers but not Mothers - Essay Example 100 to be paid by the applicant. A total application charge for parents on benefits in the range of ?50 with ?20 of this paid upfront and the remainder paid in installments. The installments for the application only become payable where maintenance is in payment. Therefore a parent on benefit who applies will never pay more than the upfront charge if no maintenance is received from the application. A charge of ?20-25 for the calculation only service to be paid by the applicant. A collection surcharge (on top of maintenance to be paid) of between 15% and 20% to be paid by the non-resident parent. A collection deduction charge (retained from maintenance collected for the parent with care) of between 7% and 12%. A charge on the non-resident parent when enforcement measures (e.g. an order of sale for property) need to be used because of non-compliance. An application charge for the calculation only service.7 This reform is criticized by many because its impact is to be primarily on mothe rs,8 In most of the cases, it would be the women who apply for a maintenance as they would be the care-giving parent.9 1011It is so because â€Å"fathers on the whole do not negotiate full-time work with daily responsibility for child care, especially very young children, either during or after marriage.†12 A study by Atkinson and Mckay concluded that non-resident parents had no wish to share parental responsibility.13 The DWP Equality Impact Assessment for the Green Paper has observed â€Å"that 95% of parents with care are women, and a similar proportion of non-resident parents are men...†14 It is officially calculated,†the full cost of an application is likely to be around ?200. 15 The women in Britain mostly work in â€Å"part-time, low paid, (and) insecure jobs...†16 17 The single mothers have to schedule their working hours so as to undertake child care also.18 19 Mostly, this is why â€Å" women poverty begins with divorce...†20 The new refor ms are sure to put more financial burden on such women, who are already under-privileged. Here, it is important also to note that there is a proven connection â€Å"between poverty and single parenthood.†21 Power equations and maintenance Under the new provisions, if both the parents agree upon a maintenance amount under family agreement, they need not go to the government service provider.22 The power to take such a decision rests equally with the â€Å"parent with care† and the â€Å"non-resident parent.†23 If a non-resident parent decides to â€Å"pay by maintenance direct†, that is, not through government agency, then he/she can do so.24 The non-resident parent most often being the father, this might be a convenient decision for him, as he could avoid government action on non-payment. A Relationship Separation and Child Support Study carried out by a group of researchers showed that it was mainly the non-resident pa